"Fico’s lying again, but Slovakia isn’t just Fico": an interview with Slovakia's opposition leader

"We were ready to welcome one leader of our Slovak friends, but another one came instead," President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Friday, 17 January. 

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico had been invited to visit Kyiv that day, but he declined. Instead, a delegation from the largest opposition party, Progressive Slovakia, led by Michal Šimečka, visited Ukraine’s capital. 

This visit is significant, because in the event of a snap parliamentary election – a highly likely scenario – Progressive Slovakia has a strong chance of winning, making Šimečka potentially the next prime minister. 

Unsurprisingly, the visit sparked outrage from Prime Minister Fico, who accused the opposition of travelling to Kyiv merely to "kiss Zelenskyy's ring." 

It was important to speak with the Slovak opposition leader to understand his perspective on resolving the current crisis in Kyiv-Bratislava relations and discuss whether Slovakia is veering toward autocracy under Fico’s leadership. 

"Ukraine is ready for dialogue"

You visited Kyiv on the day Prime Minister Robert Fico was invited. Why did he refuse to come?

That’s a question best directed to Prime Minister Fico. He had his reasons, which he’s made public. 

For me, the key takeaway from my meeting with President Zelenskyy is that

both Ukraine and the president himself are ready for constructive dialogue on energy issues. 

This is an important message for Slovakia and, I believe, for Prime Minister Fico as well. I hope he will take advantage of this opportunity and engage in negotiations. 

Does this mean you heard that Ukraine is prepared to compromise on the transit of [Russian] gas? 

I don’t want to disclose details of non-public discussions, but yes, naturally we talked about energy and energy security – the challenges our countries have faced in recent weeks. 

From my perspective, to solve these problems, we need to get back to normal dialogue first. Then we’ll see where that takes us. 

Another important point: I can’t negotiate on behalf of Slovakia. I’m not in government, I’m an opposition politician. For me, the most important message was that Ukraine is open to discussion with Slovakia on energy matters. 

I can’t discuss technical solutions with the president or energy minister either. Those are government-level issues. But it was important for me to confirm Ukraine’s willingness to debate all bilateral issues, including energy. I received assurance of this from President Zelenskyy. 

The Slovak government claims that Ukraine’s decision to halt the transit of Russian gas is hitting Slovakia’s economy hard. Do you agree with this assessment?

Let’s look at the numbers. It’s true that Slovakia earned revenue from transit, but this income had already been declining before Kyiv’s decision [to halt transit – ed.] because the volumes Gazprom transported had significantly decreased in recent years. 

What the Slovak government should have done – and I hope it will – is secure contracts with alternative suppliers worldwide. Diversifying gas sources as much as possible would mitigate risks and ensure Slovakia’s gas supply in the medium term at reasonable prices. 

This is precisely what other EU countries have done, and I believe Slovakia will do the same.

But back to the transit issue. I can’t assess the government’s claims because I don’t know where some of the figures mentioned come from. What we do know from public Slovak sources is that the turnover of Eustream, the Slovak gas transmission company, was only €176 million last year. Based on this, I suspect the company operated at a loss last year.

Even if Eustream did turn a profit last year, there is no guarantee that this will continue in the coming years. That’s why we need to secure gas contracts that will benefit Slovakia in the long term.

Robert Fico has been critical of your visit, claiming you were negotiating the deployment of Slovak troops to Ukraine.

Robert Fico is lying again. That topic was never discussed in my meeting with President Zelenskyy. That’s a lie. 

"The government majority is fragile" 

Robert Fico caters to an anti-Ukrainian electorate and is currently stoking anti-Ukrainian sentiment. How much has this sentiment grown recently?

Russian propaganda and disinformation play a significant role in this. I’m concerned that some Slovak politicians may be exploiting these sentiments. That’s one of the reasons my colleagues and I came here.

We need to show the people of Slovakia that Ukraine never intended to harm our country. 

This problem was primarily caused by Vladimir Putin and his aggression. If he hadn’t started a bloody war against Ukraine in 2014, perhaps we would still have access to gas today. 

It’s also important to state here in Kyiv that although some Slovak politicians are actively fuelling anti-Ukrainian rhetoric, there are many people in my country who support Ukraine and stand in solidarity with it. 

In recent weeks we’ve seen pro-Ukrainian protests across Slovakia, filling streets and squares in many cities, and our civil society plans more demonstrations and public gatherings. 

It’s crucial to understand that Slovakia is more than just Robert Fico. I hope Ukrainians recognise this. 

The Slovak opposition has proposed a vote of no confidence in Fico’s government. What are the chances of success?

We’ll see. It will all be decided on Tuesday [21 January]. 

Regardless of the outcome, the government coalition and its majority remain fragile. We saw this at the end of last year when the coalition couldn’t even open a session of the National Council because they lacked a majority. 

So whether or not the vote succeeds, the government coalition will continue to face challenges. There are MPs who are rebelling, who disagree with the government’s current actions, and there are some who have left one of the parties [a reference to the Slovak National Party led by Andrej Danko – ed.].

The government’s position is far from stable, making a resignation entirely possible. Even Prime Minister Fico acknowledges this and has said snap elections are a potential scenario.

But for the government to fall, some coalition MPs would need to support the no-confidence motion. Is that realistic?

Yes, it is possible. There are MPs within the coalition who are critical of recent government actions, including Fico’s visit to Moscow. So success is possible, but let’s wait for the vote. 

"Our partner is Ukraine, not Putin"

You mentioned Robert Fico’s visit to Moscow. Do you have any explanation for why he went there? 

Honestly, I have no idea. 

He claimed that the trip was primarily about gas supplies, but that explanation doesn’t hold up. Everyone in Slovakia understands that our key partner in energy dialogue is Ukraine, not Moscow. Talking about gas in Moscow simply doesn’t make sense. 

Moreover, this visit crossed a red line. Our partners are Western European democracies, our allies in NATO and the EU, and Ukraine – not dictators like Vladimir Putin. 

Even some coalition MPs opposed and criticised the trip. The coalition’s majority depends on just four MPs, so it’s fragile.

I expect this visit could further destabilise the coalition. 

Did this visit have public support in Slovakia? 

We don’t have the latest data on public opinion yet. However, a recent poll on attitudes to the Slovak prime minister hypothetically visiting Moscow for the WWII anniversary celebration showed a small majority were against it. 

It remains to be seen how this affects party preferences and whether the visit boosts support for Fico or not. So far, it seems unlikely. But as I said, we don’t have specific sociological data on this. 

What is clear is that a lot of Slovaks protested against the visit. Thousands took to the streets, and not just in Bratislava but in eastern Slovakia as well, and that’s quite telling. 

Robert Fico has been threatening to cut electricity sales, restrict aid to Ukrainian refugees, and potentially block EU integration. Is that likely?

I can’t speak for the prime minister, of course, but such actions would be very bad for Slovakia’s interests, Slovak-Ukrainian relations, and the EU as a whole. 

That’s why I’m pleased that during my visit, I saw a clear willingness from Ukraine to engage in bilateral negotiations. Resuming productive dialogue would be a far better way forward for both Slovakia and Ukraine than resorting to threats. 

Diplomacy isn’t about insults or threatening to cut off electricity or aid to people fleeing war. That’s not how you treat your partners. 

From Kyiv, I’ve called on the prime minister to meet with President Zelenskyy and begin talks. 

"I’m concerned about Fico’s attempts to undermine the rule of law" 

Are you confident that any potential snap elections would be free and fair?

I strongly believe the elections would be free and fair. 

It’s dangerous when politicians on any side question the integrity of elections in advance. Ironically, Robert Fico himself did this before the last election. 

The atmosphere will undoubtedly be polarised and tense. Still, I firmly believe Slovak institutions can handle the challenge. 

Of course, much will depend on how long this government and its majority last. For now, our experience shows that Slovakia’s recent presidential and parliamentary elections were fair. 

Yes, there were some very unpleasant aspects, such as deepfakes used against me, and there may have been some Russian influence. But the voting itself was conducted fairly and in accordance with electoral law.

One more question regarding the situation within the Slovak opposition. It’s very diverse. Can it be called unified? 

Currently, the entire opposition is united on foreign policy issues – in fact, on the whole range of issues related to the direction of the country’s foreign policy. Similarly, the opposition is unified in its stance on the removal of the prime minister. 

Of course, that doesn’t mean the opposition has to cooperate and align on everything. Unlike the coalition, the opposition includes everyone who is not in the government by default. 

Moreover, there are certain conflicts among the opposition parties that date back to the previous government, which we weren’t part of. 

So it’s easier for us to establish cooperation – overall, we have a very good working relationship with the liberal SaS [Freedom and Solidarity] party, and we also work well in parliament with the Christian Democrats. 

As for Mr Matovič [former prime minister Igor Matovič, leader of the Slovakia movement], it must be acknowledged that he has a somewhat controversial political style and is often hostile toward us. 

But I believe that on foreign policy issues,

the Slovak opposition has reached agreements and acts jointly. 

Lastly, a couple of questions about the Slovak government. Can Robert Fico be called an authoritarian leader, like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán? Or is it too early for that? 

That’s an academic question. 

Fico came to power as a result of free elections. He relies on his parliamentary majority, and when he loses this majority, he will lose power. 

I am concerned about his attempts to weaken the rule of law, for example, by amending the Criminal Code. In this case, the EU has also expressed some concerns. 

But the fact is that the governing coalition eventually amended the Criminal Code to align it with EU rules. 

We can also observe his verbal attacks on the media and journalists. We’ll see what happens next. But I firmly believe that Slovakia is a European country with European values that belongs to Europe. 

And these values are stronger than any individual politician. 

President Peter Pellegrini’s Hlas party, and Pellegrini personally, call themselves guarantors of maintaining a pro-Western policy. Is that still relevant? 

At the very least, the rhetoric of the Hlas party is different from that of Prime Minister Fico. 

If you look at the president’s statements, he’s clear on Slovakia’s commitment to the EU and NATO, and this is also reflected in his foreign trips. 

He also speaks out in support of Ukraine. There’s a clear difference between him and the prime minister. 

Moreover, and this is important to note, when the prime minister proposed amending the foreign policy memorandum [a statement signed by the president, prime minister and parliament speaker – ed.], the president signalled that there was no need for that now. 

Given his pre-election rhetoric, it is reasonable to expect that he will continue to actively advocate for Slovakia’s pro-European orientation.  

However, Pellegrini was elected as a candidate from the ruling coalition. So the president does not actually oppose the coalition when it comes to domestic political issues. 

I’m keeping my fingers crossed that Pellegrini will act as the president of all Slovaks on both domestic and foreign policy. That’s the role he is expected to fulfil. 

Yurii Panchenko, 

Editor, European Pravda  

Translated by Daria Meshcheriakova