What’s Behind the Arrest of Moldova’s ex-President and Kremlin’s Ally Dodon
For the first time in Moldova’s history the court has made a decision on the arrest - the house arrest, however an arrest - of a former president and the key lobbyist of Russia’s interests in the country.
Igor Dodon is accused of treason, and this brings hopes that Moldovan law enforcement are about to reveal the whole network of Russia’s influence in Moldova.
But will the case go on smoothly?
European Pravda’s editor Yuriy Panchenko discussed the potential challenges with Volodymyr Tkhoryk, investigative journalist from RISE-Moldova, the author of investigation on the Russian ‘curators’ of the former president.
The whole discussion is available at European Pravda’s YouTube channel. See also the full article in Ukrainian The President’s treason: how Dodon was arrested in Moldova and what it may change in relations with Russia.
According to Tkhoryk, the detention of the former president on charges of treason is an absolutely extraordinary event for Moldova. In addition, Dodon is accused of financing his party with funds received from organized crime and illicit enrichment.
Nothing is known on the details of these charges, including the timeframe when the alleged offenses could have been committed and whether Dodon had been in office at that time, Tkhoryk says.
He also noted that the arrest took place on the birthday of Moldova’s president Maia Sandu.
According to Tkhoryk, for a long time Igor Dodon has been acting as Kremlin ‘outsource agent’.
"It is no secret that many intelligence services are acting in Moldova, including Ukrainian intelligence - let’s recall the kidnapping of a former Ukrainian judge Chaus. But it’s one thing when they do respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, and it’s another thing when they simply ‘outsource' the local politicians. Dodon is a stark example. It would be enough to mention that he used the nickname ‘Kremlinovich’ - ‘the son of the Kremlin’ - to communicate with his Russian curators," the journalist says.
In 2020, RISE-Moldova had managed to get a cell phone used by Dodon until the middle of 2017.
"We have found there a secret chat where Dodon had nicknamed himself as ‘Kremlinovich’... It turned out that his curator was the official of the Foreing Intelligence Service Colonel Igor Maslov," Tkhoryk says.
When Dodon was defeated at the presidential elections and left his office, Russian agents helped him to found a non-governmental ‘Russian Business Union’, funded from various sources including donations from Russian businessmen.
According to Tkhoryk, the allegations of Dodon receiving funds from the oligarchs aren’t baseless as well.
"If you’re assessing Russia’s influence on the political life in Moldova, you should take note that Moldova is a particular country with a strong influence of organized crime. So the problem lies not only in the Kremlin’s influence, but the system itself," Tkhoryk argues.
"Personally I haven’t seen the signs that Maia Sandu has intentions to systematically counter the networks of Russia’s agents. If they had such intentions, they would have started these activities yet before the outbreak of Russia’s war against Ukraine. As a result, this scandal arised amid fears that Russia might try to occupy Moldova," he adds.