How Russia showed Georgian government its place regarding return of occupied territories
Ahead of the decisive parliamentary election, Georgia’s ruling party, Georgian Dream, attempted to win back voters by focusing on the peaceful reintegration of the country.
A signal from Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov on this matter seems to have dazzled the Georgian Dream leadership to such an extent that they soon had to be brought back down to reality.
Read more about the exchange of statements about Georgia’s reintegration and what they mean in the column by Yurii Panchenko, a European Pravda editor - Moscow shattered Georgian Dream: How Kakha Kaladze "returned" occupied territories and what came of it.
The columnist reminds readers that discussions about the likelihood of regaining control over Abkhazia and South Ossetia first surfaced during mass protests earlier this year, triggered by the passing of the controversial "foreign agent" law, perceived as pro-Russian.
According to Panchenko, this narrative was initially promoted by internet bots, suggesting that the Georgian government’s deepening conflict with the West wasn’t without purpose, but rather part of some undisclosed agreements with Russia concerning the return of these occupied territories.
The ruling party began discussing the likelihood of such reintegration publicly later. This became a tool to influence the electorate, suggesting that reintegration could be achieved if the party were given overwhelming support in the elections, enough to secure a constitutional majority.
"Finally, on 14 September, during a campaign rally in Gori, Bidzina Ivanishvili, honourary chairman of Georgian Dream and the most influential politician in the country, stated the need to apologise 'to our Ossetian brothers' for the war of 2008," Panchenko recalls.
He points out that these words served to promote the idea of reintegration and even to suggest its preparation. After all, what else could explain such a controversial statement?
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov picked up on the matter of reconciliation, stating that Moscow was ready to "help Georgia in reconciliation."
"The current Georgian leadership is simply honestly evaluating the past. They said, 'We want historical reconciliation.' How this reconciliation might happen, and this should decide the countries themselves: Abkhazia and South Ossetia," Lavrov said at a press conference following the 79th UN General Assembly session.
Lavrov added that Russia would be willing to help if the parties were interested.
Tbilisi decided to use this conversation as part of its election campaign, showing voters that the return of the territories was closer than ever.
Tbilisi Mayor and Secretary-General of Georgian Dream Kakha Kaladze called Lavrov’s statement "positive."
However, Kaladze went even further, saying that Moscow now needed to "move to specific steps," specifically developing a plan to withdraw Russian troops from Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
"And that turned out to be the 'red line' that Moscow does not allow even friendly regimes to cross," the columnist notes.
This sentiment was hinted at by Konstantin Zatulin, the first deputy head of the Russian Duma’s Committee on CIS Affairs.
Panchenko concludes that this exchange of statements shows that Russia has no intention of discussing the real and full return of the occupied territories, even with the friendly Georgian government. And if Georgian officials seriously push this issue, they are in for disappointment.
At the same time, openly supporting the continued presence of Russian military bases on Georgia's sovereign territory is not an option for the current government, as it would provoke a negative reaction from voters.
Thus, the best option for Georgian Dream is to pretend that Moscow’s stern response never happened and maintain the narrative that reintegration remains a viable possibility.